By Jerry White
29 March 1999
The US military has welcomed the confrontation with Serbia as an
opportunity to test its arsenal of high-tech weaponry and to train American
military personnel in a new theater of war.
Military commanders were elated the night the bombing began, according
to the New York Times. "For some diplomats and officials at NATO
headquarters in Brussels, where [Supreme Commander US General
Wesley] Clark has made no secret of his judgment that an air campaign
against Milosevic was justified long ago, the mood this evening was almost
jubilant," the newspaper wrote. "'It's accelerating and exhilarating,'
said
one."
Each branch of the armed forces is jockeying for the chance to display
its
weapon systems, regardless of whether any specific military purpose is
fulfilled, simply to justify their multibillion-dollar budgets.
Since the bombing began US Navy warships and submarines in the
Adriatic Sea, and bombers flown from Italy, have launched scores of
cruise missiles at Serbian targets. These include a new generation of
Tomahawk missiles, which the Pentagon says have "proven effective"
during recent raids against Iraq, hitting 80 percent of their targets.
Military planners prefer the unmanned missiles--which cost $750,000
each--in the initial stages of an attack rather than risking more expensive
manned aircraft. The cruise missiles, built by Raytheon Corporation, are
launched with the click of a computer mouse from ships floating well out
of
reach of any enemy threat. Traveling at the speed of sound, the missiles
are
guided to their targets by 24 global positioning satellites orbiting the
earth.
Wednesday was also the debut of the US Air Force's most expensive
warplane, the B-2 "Spirit" stealth bomber. Two of the $2.2 billion planes
flew from air bases in Missouri to Yugoslavia, where they dropped 40,000
pounds of bombs each, and then returned nonstop to the US.
First introduced in 1988 for long-range nuclear strikes deep into the former
Soviet Union, the plane had been plagued by technical problems, including
a radar system which had difficulty distinguishing mountain ranges from
clouds and radar-absorbent paint that wore off too quickly. The fear of
losing the aircraft, two of which cost as much as an aircraft carrier,
led the
military to pass over the B-2 for combat missions at a time when every
other strike aircraft was being deployed in the Persian Gulf.
The Air Force had been "champing at the bit" to test its B-2 squadron on
real missions since its deployment in 1993, said Chris Hillman, an analyst
with the Center for Defense Information in Washington, DC. Although the
military has simulated using the B-2s, Hillman said simulations are like
video games when compared to real battle. The only true test of the B-2
"is to have somebody who really hates us trying to shoot us down," he
said.
After the mission General Leroy Barnidge, commander of the B-2 Bomb
Wing in Missouri, said, "I got to tell you, the crews in these jets performed
magnificently. It says to the critics that this plane did everything it
advertised, and then some."
The US currently has a fleet of 21 B-2 bombers, which costs $44 billion.
The warplane's "success" over the skies of Yugoslavia will surely mean
billions more in future procurements for manufacturer Northrop Grumman.
Raytheon, Northrop Grumman, Lockheed Martin, Boeing and other US
defense contractors have made no secret of the fact that they see the
conflict in Yugoslavia as an opportunity to market their weapons and
secure new contracts. On Friday Reuters financial service carried an article
entitled, "Conflict lets US weapon makers strut their stuff" which began,
"The conflict in Yugoslavia will give US defense firms, especially Raytheon
Co., a chance to show off their wares on a global stage, analysts said
on
Thursday."
Robert Friedman, an analyst for S&P Equity Group, told Reuters, "It
really
depends on how long this conflict goes. If this becomes a protracted war,
and it is heavily dependent on cruise missiles, then that would help
Raytheon's short-term bottom-line."
Raytheon spokesman Dave Shea concurred, saying, "Certainly, it portends
for increased business, but it would be difficult to quantify at this point."
Referring to the cruise missiles, smart bombs and other weapons made by
the company, Shea added, "Assuming that the weapons work as
advertised, we view that as the best advertising."
Since the Cold War ended in 1990 sales to foreign governments have
represented the greatest growth opportunity for US defense contractors,
which have consolidated over the last decade. The companies lobbied
hard for the expansion of NATO and US government loans to Eastern and
Central European countries to upgrade their militaries with American-made
equipment.
Military planners are also anxious to test out US military forces in a
new
terrain, and fighting a new enemy, in Yugoslavia. Unlike the flat desert
expanse of Iraq, where isolated targets were clearly visible in the
springtime, Serbian mobile antiaircraft missiles and artillery are hidden
in
the mountains, valleys and woods and the weather is typically cloudy.
Pentagon spokesman Ken Bacon said, "We've had a lot of experience
against these weapons, but every country and every air defense system
presents its own challenges and we take those challenges, very, very
seriously."
The opportunity to test improvements in weapons systems and give pilots
and other specialists experience under hostile fire is a significant factor
in
American foreign policy. In the 25 years since its ignominious withdrawal
from Vietnam, the US military has engaged in foreign adventures every few
years: Lebanon and Grenada, 1983; Libya, 1985; Panama, 1989; Iraq,
1990-91; Somalia, 1992-93; Haiti, 1994; Bosnia, 1996; and now
Yugoslavia.
There is, of course, a down side to such training missions--the potential
for
US losses. The Pentagon has elite squads to rescue pilots in the event
that
a plane is shot down. The Clinton administration is greatly concerned that
any substantial US military casualties could evoke domestic opposition.
At
the same time, US military commanders know that a "bloodying" of the
troops is essential for the type of sustained conflicts that are being
planned
for the future.
The US has greatly exaggerated the Serbian military threat in order to
justify the massive forces it has arrayed against the country. But senior
Pentagon officials said the Yugoslav airforce consists mainly of old Soviet
planes and only 15 newer MiG-29s and is not considered a major threat to
US and NATO warplanes. The official gloated, "Our air-to-air pilots
would probably love to see them come up to fight."
Another element of the attack on Yugoslavia is the desire of military
officials to condition the American public to accept massive civilian
casualties. US-NATO commanders have warned that targets in Serbia will
not be isolated desert outposts, but cities, towns and villages where
Serbian troops and Kosovar rebels are fighting.
"The American public is used to these instant gratification operations
with
zero defects," said retired Admiral Thomas J. Lopez, former commander
of NATO's southern command. Once the military operations begin against
Serbia "they are going to pound the living hell out of it," he said.